How Does the U.S. Refugee System Work?
Backgrounder

How Does the U.S. Refugee System Work?

The United States has long been considered a safe haven for refugees from around the world, but this could change following the Trump administration’s decision to suspend the country’s decades-old refugee resettlement program.
Meena Mosazai and her family live in Seattle after having moved from Afghanistan.
Meena Mosazai and her family live in Seattle after having moved from Afghanistan. Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times
Summary
  • The State Department manages the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program, or USRAP. Since it was created in 1980, more than three million refugees have been accepted into the country.
  • President Joe Biden sought to expand access to resettlement, raising the annual refugee ceiling considerably and launching a new private sponsorship program.
  • President Donald Trump, in his second term, is taking steps to reshape U.S. immigration policy, including by suspending the refugee resettlement program.

Introduction

For decades, the United States was a world leader in refugee admissions. From taking in hundreds of thousands of Europeans displaced by World War II to welcoming those escaping from communist regimes in Europe and Asia during the Cold War, the United States has helped define protections for refugees under international humanitarian law. Beginning in 1980, the U.S. government moved from an ad hoc approach to the permanent, standardized system for identifying, vetting, and resettling prospective refugees that is still in use today.

More From Our Experts

The size of the U.S. refugee program has often fluctuated. The war in Syria and the 2015 migration crisis in Europe increased policymakers’ scrutiny of arrivals from the Middle East, beginning with the Barack Obama administration. President Donald Trump ratcheted up that scrutiny during his first term with a ban on refugees from certain countries and sharp cuts to overall refugee admissions, sparking new debate over the national security implications of U.S. refugee policy. As conflicts in places such as Afghanistan and Ukraine continue to displace millions of people, Trump is again seeking to reshape refugee resettlement efforts after criticizing what he says was an influx of migrants during the Joe Biden administration.

What is a refugee?

More on:

Refugees and Displaced Persons

Immigration and Migration

United States

There are several different terms used to describe people who move from one place to another, either voluntarily or under threat of force. With no universal legal definition, migrant is an umbrella term for people who leave their homes and often cross international borders, whether to seek economic opportunity or escape persecution.

As defined by U.S. law and the United Nations’ 1951 Refugee Convention, refugees are migrants seeking entry from a third country who are able to demonstrate that they have been persecuted, or have reason to fear persecution, on the basis of one of five protected grounds: race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. According to the UN refugee agency, there were nearly thirty-two million refugees worldwide as of mid-2024, more than half of whom came from just three countries: Syria, Ukraine, and Afghanistan, in that order.

Asylum seekers are those who meet the criteria for refugee status but apply from within the United States or at an official port of entry after arriving under a different status. Asylum seekers follow a different protocol than those applying for refugee status.

More From Our Experts

How long has the United States accepted refugees?

For more than seventy-five years, the United States has accepted migrants who would be identified under current international law as refugees. In the wake of World War II, the United States passed its first refugee legislation to manage the resettlement of some 650,000 displaced Europeans. Throughout the Cold War, the United States accepted refugees fleeing from communist regimes, such as those in China, Cuba, and Eastern Europe.

But the country’s official federal effort to resettle refugees, known as the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP), was not created until the passage of the Refugee Act of 1980. Prior to 1980, legislation that authorized the acceptance of refugees was passed primarily on an ad hoc basis, often responding to ongoing mass migrations. It was not until after the fall of South Vietnam to communist forces in 1975, when the United States began taking in hundreds of thousands of Southeast Asian refugees, that Congress established a more standardized system.

More on:

Refugees and Displaced Persons

Immigration and Migration

United States

The 1980 legislation, signed by President Jimmy Carter, established permanent procedures for vetting, admitting, and resettling refugees into the country; incorporated the official definition of the term “refugee”; increased the number of refugees to be admitted annually to fifty thousand; and granted the president authority to admit additional refugees in emergencies. Since that law was passed, the United States has admitted more than three million refugees.

How many refugees are allowed into the country?

The number of refugees admitted into the United States annually has generally declined from more than two hundred thousand at the start of the program in 1980 to roughly one hundred thousand in 2024. Levels of refugee admissions fluctuated dramatically throughout that time period, falling through the 1980s and spiking again in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union, before hitting a record low in 2021.

Annual numerical ceilings on refugee admissions are proposed by the president and require congressional approval. Following the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush suspended refugee admissions for several months, citing national security concerns. From 2001 to 2015, caps on refugee admissions stayed between seventy thousand and eighty thousand, though both the Bush and Obama administrations regularly admitted fewer people than the ceilings allowed.

In 2016, President Obama increased an earlier approved ceiling of eighty thousand to allow in an additional five thousand refugees as part of an effort to address a growing migration crisis caused by worsening conflict in Syria. As humanitarian crises elsewhere grew more dire, including in Afghanistan and Iraq, Obama proposed that the United States set a ceiling of 110,000 refugee admissions for fiscal year 2017 (FY2017).

President Trump reversed Obama’s proposed ceiling by capping the number of refugees allowed into the country in FY2017 at fifty thousand. He lowered this ceiling further to forty-five thousand for 2018, then thirty thousand for 2019, and eighteen thousand for 2020. His administration argued that the reduction was necessary to direct more government resources to the backlog of applications from nearly eight hundred thousand asylum seekers who had reached the southern U.S. border. Despite critics countering that the asylum and refugee programs have little bearing on one another, Trump set an even lower ceiling of fifteen thousand for FY2021—by far the lowest cap since the program’s start.

President Biden reversed this downward trend. In May 2021, he revised Trump’s annual admissions cap to 62,500 for the remainder of the year, and that October, he doubled the ceiling for FY 2022 to 125,000. Biden maintained the 125,000 cap for fiscal years 2023 and 2024, with the majority of 2024 admission slots allocated for refugees from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. He also launched the Welcome Corps program, part of USRAP, allowing U.S. citizens and permanent residents to privately sponsor and support refugees with the help of a consortium of nonprofit organizations. As of October 2024, some one hundred thousand people had applied to be sponsors.

Even so, Trump-era reductions were difficult to reverse. The United States accepted fewer than sixty-one thousand refugees in 2023, higher than previous years but far below the cap set by the Biden administration. Some advocacy groups argue that the annual cap should instead be increased to proportionately reflect the number of refugees worldwide, which continues to increase each year.

Trump, in his second term, has moved to roll back many of Biden’s efforts to expand refugee resettlement. On his first day in office, Trump issued an executive order effectively suspending USRAP indefinitely, saying that the United States had been “inundated with record levels of migration” during the Biden administration. The order also indicated that states and localities should play a greater role in determining refugee placement in their jurisdictions. 

In May 2025, the Trump administration welcomed nearly sixty white Afrikaners as refugees, the first group admitted since the executive order, saying they face discrimination and violence in their home country of South Africa. The move drew criticism from refugee advocates who expressed concern about their rapid arrival while the United States continues to cut off refugee programs to other countries.

Where are they from?

The United States has consistently received refugees from Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America, though the total number of admissions has changed dramatically for some regions in the time since USRAP was created. Immediately following passage of the 1980 act, more than two hundred thousand refugees—the highest total in recent history—were admitted to the country; the vast majority originated in Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia and Vietnam.

Refugees admitted to the United States from former Soviet countries increased sharply in the decade beginning in 1989. From 2010 to 2020, the highest number of refugees came from Myanmar, Iraq, and Bhutan, in descending order. By comparison, in 2024, the countries with the most refugees admitted to the United States were the Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, and Venezuela, in that order.

In 2017, Trump issued an executive order that temporarily prohibited the entry of nationals of seven Muslim-majority countries—Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen—and indefinitely barred all Syrian refugees. (Admissions for Syrians restarted in 2018.) The executive order also tightened visa restrictions that had been imposed under Obama on those seven countries. The Trump administration revised the order twice amid legal challenges, until April 2018, when the Supreme Court allowed the third version of the order to stand.

Trump also heavily criticized a 2016 resettlement deal with Australia finalized by Obama, in which the United States was to take 1,250 refugees being held by Australian authorities in offshore detention centers. Many of these refugees were from Iran and Somalia, countries included in the third iteration of the travel ban. By August 2024, the United States had resettled more than 1,100 refugees as part of the deal.

How are refugees screened and approved?

The U.S. State Department, in consultation with a constellation of other agencies and organizations, manages the process through its refugee admission program, USRAP. The first step for a potential refugee abroad is most often to register with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). UNHCR officials collect documentation and perform an initial screening and then refer qualifying individuals to State Department Resettlement Support Centers (RSCs), of which there are seven around the world. Sometimes this referral is done by a U.S. embassy or a nongovernmental organization.

Then, RSC officials interview the applicants, verify their personal data, and submit their information for background checks by a suite of U.S. national security agencies. These security checks [PDF] include multiple forms of biometric screening, such as cross-checks of global fingerprint databases and medical tests.

If none of these inquiries produce problematic results, including criminal histories, past immigration violations, connections to terrorist groups, or communicable diseases, the applicant can be cleared for entry to the United States. The entire admissions process generally takes between eighteen months and two years to complete.

What government agencies are involved?

The three primary federal government agencies involved in the refugee resettlement process are the State Department, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration is the first U.S. government point of contact; it coordinates the process with all other agencies until a refugee is resettled.

DHS, through its Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) branch, is the principal agency responsible for vetting refugee applicants; USCIS makes the final determination on whether to approve resettlement applications. Its security review uses the resources and databases of several other national security agencies, including the National Counterterrorism Center, FBI, Department of Defense, and multiple U.S. intelligence agencies.

Once settled in the United States, refugees are generally in the hands of charity and other volunteer agencies that specialize in resettlement, such as the International Rescue Committee. The State Department’s Reception and Placement Program provides funding to go toward refugees’ rent, furnishings, food, and clothing. After three months, this responsibility shifts to HHS, which provides longer-term cash and medical assistance, as well as other social services, including language classes and employment training. After the Trump administration’s cuts to the refugee admission ceiling, all nine nongovernmental agencies that assist with resettlement downsized by closing offices or laying off staff. However, the Biden administration took some steps to restore them, including by allocating more than $7 billion in additional funds for the Office of Refugee Resettlement in FY 2024, a $1 billion increase from the previous year. 

Several intergovernmental organizations play a crucial role at various points. The UN refugee agency is primarily responsible for referring qualified applicants to U.S. authorities, while the International Organization for Migration coordinates refugees’ travel to the United States.

Where are refugees resettled?

Today, refugees are resettled in forty-nine U.S. states, though there are several states that generally resettle higher numbers than others. According to the nonprofit Refugee Council USA, Texas, California, New York, Florida, and Pennsylvania welcomed the highest number of refugees [PDF] in FY 2024, together making up roughly one third of all refugee admissions.

What roles do state and local governments play?

The logistics of refugee resettlement are largely handled by ten domestic resettlement agencies, many of them faith-based organizations such as the Church World Service and the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. Representatives of these organizations meet and review the biographical data of the refugees selected by the State Department’s Refugee Support Centers abroad to determine where they should be resettled. As part of this process, federal law requires that resettlement agencies consult with local authorities [PDF], including law enforcement, emergency services, and public schools.

While this consultation is required, the 1980 Refugee Act gives the federal government final authority over whether to admit refugees and where they should be resettled. In the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, which were carried out by European Union citizens who may have returned to Europe from the Middle East via refugee flows, more than thirty U.S. governors protested the resettlement of any Syrian refugees in their states. Legal experts say that while states cannot directly block federal government decisions on where to place refugees, they can complicate the process by directing state agencies to refuse to cooperate with resettlement agencies, as the governors of Texas and Michigan did in 2015.

Do refugees pose security risks to the United States?

Out of the more than three million refugees accepted by the United States over the past four decades, a handful have been implicated in terrorist plots. According to a 2019 study by the libertarian-leaning CATO Institute, of the 192 foreign-born terrorists who committed attacks in the United States between 1975 and 2017, 25 were refugees. Of these attacks, only three proved deadly, and all three took place before 1980, when the Refugee Act created the current screening procedures.

Many of the perpetrators responsible for such attacks have been U.S. citizens, including the 2016 Orlando nightclub shooter, one of the perpetrators of the 2015 San Bernardino attacks, and the 2009 Fort Hood shooter. The 9/11 hijackers were in the country on tourist or business visas. Others were the children of asylees, including the 2016 Manhattan bomber, whose father had been an Afghan refugee, and the Tsarnaev brothers, who carried out the Boston Marathon bombing and whose parents fled war-torn Chechnya.

During Trump’s first term, administration officials often voiced concerns over the vetting process for incoming refugees. But Biden and other critics condemned Trump’s rhetoric as scaremongering, and Biden worked to restore U.S. leadership on global refugee resettlement. In February 2021, as part of his administration’s plan to rebuild and enhance the country’s refugee program, Biden pledged to improve USRAP vetting to make it “more efficient, meaningful, and fair.” However, as the Trump administration pursues efforts to radically reshape U.S. immigration policy, it has pledged to reform the refugee process to ensure “public safety and national security are paramount considerations in the administration of the USRAP.”

Recommended Resources

For Foreign Affairs, Director-General of the UN International Organization for Migration Amy Pope argues for the need to create a more humane global immigration system.

CFR Education breaks down the difference between asylum seekers, immigrants, and refugees.

This podcast series by NPR showcases stories of refugees adjusting to life in the United States.

This timeline traces U.S. immigration policy since World War II.

This Backgrounder lays out the U.S. immigration debate.

Ariel Sheinberg and William Rampe contributed to this report. Will Merrow helped create the graphics.

For media inquiries on this topic, please reach out to [email protected].
Close

Top Stories on CFR

Artificial Intelligence (AI)

Sign up to receive CFR President Mike Froman’s analysis on the most important foreign policy story of the week, delivered to your inbox every Friday afternoon. Subscribe to The World This Week. In the Middle East, Israel and Iran are engaged in what could be the most consequential conflict in the region since the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. CFR’s experts continue to cover all aspects of the evolving conflict on CFR.org. While the situation evolves, including the potential for direct U.S. involvement, it is worth touching on another recent development in the region which could have far-reaching consequences: the diffusion of cutting-edge U.S. artificial intelligence (AI) technology to leading Gulf powers. The defining feature of President Donald Trump’s foreign policy is his willingness to question and, in many cases, reject the prevailing consensus on matters ranging from European security to trade. His approach to AI policy is no exception. Less than six months into his second term, Trump is set to fundamentally rewrite the United States’ international AI strategy in ways that could influence the balance of global power for decades to come. In February, at the Artificial Intelligence Action Summit in Paris, Vice President JD Vance delivered a rousing speech at the Grand Palais, and made it clear that the Trump administration planned to abandon the Biden administration’s safety-centric approach to AI governance in favor of a laissez-faire regulatory regime. “The AI future is not going to be won by hand-wringing about safety,” Vance said. “It will be won by building—from reliable power plants to the manufacturing facilities that can produce the chips of the future.” And as Trump’s AI czar David Sacks put it, “Washington wants to control things, the bureaucracy wants to control things. That’s not a winning formula for technology development. We’ve got to let the private sector cook.” The accelerationist thrust of Vance and Sacks’s remarks is manifesting on a global scale. Last month, during Trump’s tour of the Middle East, the United States announced a series of deals to permit the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia to import huge quantities (potentially over one million units) of advanced AI chips to be housed in massive new data centers that will serve U.S. and Gulf AI firms that are training and operating cutting-edge models. These imports were made possible by the Trump administration’s decision to scrap a Biden administration executive order that capped chip exports to geopolitical swing states in the Gulf and beyond, and which represents the most significant proliferation of AI capabilities outside the United States and China to date. The recipe for building and operating cutting-edge AI models has a few key raw ingredients: training data, algorithms (the governing logic of AI models like ChatGPT), advanced chips like Graphics Processing Units (GPUs) or Tensor Processing Units (TPUs)—and massive, power-hungry data centers filled with advanced chips.  Today, the United States maintains a monopoly of only one of these inputs: advanced semiconductors, and more specifically, the design of advanced semiconductors—a field in which U.S. tech giants like Nvidia and AMD, remain far ahead of their global competitors. To weaponize this chokepoint, the first Trump administration and the Biden administration placed a series of ever-stricter export controls on the sale of advanced U.S.-designed AI chips to countries of concern, including China.  The semiconductor export control regime culminated in the final days of the Biden administration with the rollout of the Framework for Artificial Intelligence Diffusion, more commonly known as the AI diffusion rule—a comprehensive global framework for limiting the proliferation of advanced semiconductors. The rule sorted the world into three camps. Tier 1 countries, including core U.S. allies such as Australia, Japan, and the United Kingdom, were exempt from restrictions, whereas tier 3 countries, such as Russia, China, and Iran, were subject to the extremely stringent controls. The core controversy of the diffusion rule stemmed from the tier 2 bucket, which included some 150 countries including India, Mexico, Israel, Switzerland, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Many tier 2 states, particularly Gulf powers with deep economic and military ties to the United States, were furious.  The rule wasn’t just a matter of how many chips could be imported and by whom. It refashioned how the United States could steer the distribution of computing resources, including the regulation and real-time monitoring of their deployment abroad and the terms by which the technologies can be shared with third parties. Proponents of the restrictions pointed to the need to limit geopolitical swing states’ access to leading AI capabilities and to prevent Chinese, Russian, and other adversarial actors from accessing powerful AI chips by contracting cloud service providers in these swing states.  However, critics of the rule, including leading AI model developers and cloud service providers, claimed that the constraints would stifle U.S. innovation and incentivize tier 2 countries to adopt Chinese AI infrastructure. Moreover, critics argued that with domestic capital expenditures on AI development and infrastructure running into the hundreds of billions of dollars in 2025 alone, fresh capital and scale-up opportunities in the Gulf and beyond represented the most viable option for expanding the U.S. AI ecosystem. This hypothesis is about to be tested in real time. In May, the Trump administration killed the diffusion rule, days before it would have been set into motion, in part to facilitate the export of these cutting-edge chips abroad to the Gulf powers. This represents a fundamental pivot for AI policy, but potentially also in the logic of U.S. grand strategy vis-à-vis China. The most recent era of great power competition, the Cold War, was fundamentally bipolar and the United States leaned heavily on the principle of non-proliferation, particularly in the nuclear domain, to limit the possibility of new entrants. We are now playing by a new set of rules where the diffusion of U.S. technology—and an effort to box out Chinese technology—is of paramount importance. Perhaps maintaining and expanding the United States’ global market share in key AI chokepoint technologies will deny China the scale it needs to outcompete the United States—but it also introduces the risk of U.S. chips falling into the wrong hands via transhipment, smuggling, and other means, or being co-opted by authoritarian regimes for malign purposes.  Such risks are not illusory: there is already ample evidence of Chinese firms using shell entities to access leading-edge U.S. chips through cloud service providers in Southeast Asia. And Chinese firms, including Huawei, were important vendors for leading Gulf AI firms, including the UAE’s G-42, until the U.S. government forced the firm to divest its Chinese hardware as a condition for receiving a strategic investment from Microsoft in 2024. In the United States, the ability to build new data centers is severely constrained by complex permitting processes and limited capacity to bring new power to the grid. What the Gulf countries lack in terms of semiconductor prowess and AI talent, they make up for with abundant capital, energy, and accommodating regulations. The Gulf countries are well-positioned for massive AI infrastructure buildouts. The question is simply, using whose technology—American or Chinese—and on what terms? In Saudi Arabia and the UAE, it will be American technology for now. The question remains whether the diffusion of the most powerful dual-use technologies of our day will bind foreign users to the United States and what impact it will have on the global balance of power.  We welcome your feedback on this column. Let me know what foreign policy issues you’d like me to address next by replying to [email protected].

Iran

As Trump weighs whether to join Israel's bombing campaign of Iran, some have questioned if the president has the authority to involve the U.S. military in this conflict.

RealEcon

The Global Fragility Act (GFA) serves as a blueprint for smart U.S. funding to prevent and end conflict, and bipartisan congressional leaders advocate reauthorization of the 2019 law.